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From:
Enid Arvidson <[log in to unmask]>
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Center for Theory <[log in to unmask]>
Date:
Mon, 22 Sep 2008 09:09:15 -0500
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As always, I find this myth of the liberal university, that somehow  
needs more "balance," amazing. It's completely out of touch with any  
reality I've heard about and experienced at universities.  
Unfortunately, people dueling with these windmills may well have an  
effect of making universities even more monolithic and less free- 
thinking than they already are.

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/22/education/22conservative.html?pagewanted=all

The New York Times

September 22, 2008

By PATRICIA COHEN

COLORADO SPRINGS — Acknowledging that 20 years and millions of dollars  
spent loudly and bitterly attacking the liberal leanings of American  
campuses have failed to make much of a dent in the way undergraduates  
are educated, some conservatives have decided to try a new strategy.

They are finding like-minded tenured professors and helping them  
establish academic beachheads for their ideas.

These initiatives, like the Program in Western Civilization and  
American Institutions at the University of Texas, Austin, or a project  
at the University of Colorado here in Colorado Springs, to publish a  
book of classic texts, are mostly financed by conservative  
organizations and donors, run by conservative professors. But they  
have a decidedly nonpartisan and nonideological face.

Their goal is to restore what conservative and other critics see as  
leading casualties of the campus culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s:  
the teaching of Western culture and a triumphal interpretation of  
American history.

“These are not ideological courses,” said James Piereson, a senior  
fellow at the conservative Manhattan Institute, which created the  
Veritas Fund for Higher Education to funnel donations to these sorts  
of projects. The initiatives are only political insofar as they “work  
against the thrust of programs and courses in gender, race and class  
studies, and postmodernism in general,” he said.

The programs and centers differ in emphasis, with some concentrating  
on American democratic and capitalist institutions and others on the  
Western canon, the great books often derided during the culture wars  
as the history of “dead white men.” They sponsor colloquia, seminars,  
courses, visiting lecturers and postdoctoral students. At Brown, the  
Political Theory Project even put on a play by the capitalist heroine  
Ayn Rand.

Some, like the effort in Colorado Springs and the Program for  
Constitutionalism and Democracy at the University of Virginia focus  
solely on exposing freshmen to classical thinkers. Others favor a  
return to a more traditional teaching of America’s past, featuring its  
greatest accomplishments instead of the history of repression and  
exploitation that had been the trend.

And this week, Cornell is negotiating the final details of a $50,000  
grant from Veritas that will be used to create a Program on Freedom  
and Free Societies.

According to a list drawn up by the National Association of Scholars,  
a group created in 1987 to preserve the “Western intellectual  
heritage,” 37 of these academic centers exist; 20 were created in the  
past three years.

Many of them have received donations from a handful of relatively new  
organizations, including Veritas, which was created in 2006, and the  
Jack Miller Center for Teaching America’s Founding Principles and  
History. Mr. Miller, a Chicago entrepreneur, established the center as  
an independent nonprofit last fall after first collaborating with the  
55-year-old Intercollegiate Studies Institute, which promotes  
conservative thought on campus.

Now, thanks in part to years of intensive lobbying by the National  
Association for Scholars, these projects may soon receive federal  
money as well. The new Higher Education Act, signed into law last  
month, provides grants for “academic programs or centers” devoted to  
“traditional American history, free institutions or Western  
civilization.”

The provision was “fashioned with this movement in mind,” Stephen  
Balch, a Republican and the founder and president of the association,  
said after the bill passed Congress, and “will help it gain even  
greater momentum.”

It is up to Congress to decide whether to finance the effort, and how  
much to put toward it.

Mr. Piereson previously served for 20 years as the executive director  
of the John M. Olin Foundation, one of the largest financiers of the  
intellectual right before it closed. “I would have to say in all that  
time, from 1985 and 2005, when we wound down, I’m not sure we made a  
lot of progress” on the undergraduate level, he said.

Decades of money from Olin and similar foundations helped create a  
kind of shadow university of private research institutes on the  
assumption that conservatives could not find a berth in an academic  
system dominated by liberals. They have been so successful, though,  
that they might have helped siphon like-minded thinkers off campus,  
creating a kind of right-wing brain drain.

Now, Mr. Piereson said, “what we’re trying to do is actually go onto  
the campus and fund professors who have the support of their deans,  
provosts and colleagues and try to influence the undergraduate  
curriculum.”

That may be easier to do now, since the fevered pitch of ideological  
battles on campus has quieted in recent years. Supporters have still  
tried to keep a low profile, though, to avoid arousing potential  
liberal opponents, Mr. Piereson added.

Veritas has spent $2.5 million to support existing centers or create  
new ones on 10 campuses. In April, it received a $1 million matching  
grant — the final donation Olin made before zeroing out its bank  
balance.

Colorado Springs used its $50,000 grant to publish “A Free Society and  
Its Challenges,” a collection of classic writings including Plato’s  
“Apology” and the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s “Letter From a  
Birmingham Jail.” Every incoming freshman last fall and this fall was  
assigned readings from it.

Amid the get-to-know-one-another barbecues and field trips to Pike’s  
Peak during orientation last month, the college organized freshman  
seminars devoted to the readings.

At first some faculty members were suspicious of where the idea and  
financing had come from, said Robert Sackett, a history professor who  
publicly voiced his concern. Yet he added, whatever the back story,  
who could object to teaching Dr. King or Plato?

“An assignment that I initially had some doubts about has turned out  
better than I expected,” said Mr. Sackett, who points out that he is  
not a conservative. “I could see using it again.”

Although a few critics have accused these programs of having a right- 
wing agenda, many administrators and faculty have embraced the extra  
resources.

“The kind of thing that we’re proposing and developing transcends all  
those political differences whether you’re right, left or center,”  
said Robert Koons, the director of Texas’ program, who describes  
himself as a run-of-the-mill Republican. “It’s not the answers, but  
the questions” about ethics, justice and civic duty that are being  
discussed, he said.

Ideas for the new strategy began percolating in 2005 when the  
Philanthropy Roundtable, an association of foundation officials and  
big donors, met and shared their complaints about higher education. A  
few months earlier, Mr. Piereson wrote an article in the roundtable’s  
magazine warning donors not to endow university programs or faculty  
chairs. “Once the endowment check is written, the donor loses all  
control over the program he has funded,” he advised.

Conservatives have begun to realize, said Peter Wood, the executive  
director of the scholars’ association, that their contributions to  
colleges and universities frequently pay for what they see as left- 
leaning academic programs that run counter to their world views.

Instead of making no-strings-attached donations, he said,  
conservatives started asking “ought there not be some way that we  
could reach the donors and convince them that their donations to  
higher education could be more wisely spent?”

Although there are no formal links between the organizations, an  
informal network of advisers and activists work to bolster each  
other’s efforts. The Jack Miller Center spent $3.6 million in the past  
year to create, among other things, a civics center at Florida  
Atlantic University and summer programs at two other colleges for  
professors. Several summer attendees, like Michael Poliakoff, the vice  
president for academic affairs for the University of Colorado system,  
also received grants from Veritas.

The Thomas W. Smith Foundation, dedicated to supporting free markets,  
has started paying for scholarly centers on campuses as well, said Mr.  
Piereson, who is on its board of trustees. Last year the foundation  
gave $1 million to the Political Theory Project at Brown, which also  
received money from Veritas and the Jack Miller center.

“There’s a network of institutions out there” that know the academic  
landscape, said David DesRosiers, the executive director of Veritas.  
“We came in as venture capitalists, and they picked the stocks we  
invested in.”

Peg Bacon, the provost at Colorado Springs, said she was already  
interested in having the entire campus read the same book when Mr.  
Poliakoff suggested using the “Free Society” collection. Ms. Bacon  
said she first checked out the Center for American Universities at the  
Manhattan Institute, which runs Veritas.

“I saw it does a lot of things around civil rights,” she said. “It  
looked like they had a variety of perspectives,” and “they weren’t  
controlling” the specific assignment, which was decided by the  
faculty. She asked a handful of professors to review the book, which  
also included the United States Constitution and writings from Alexis  
de Tocqueville and Frederick Douglass. None detected any particular  
bias.

The faculty was so pleased with the way the program turned out in  
2007, Ms. Bacon said, that they unanimously agreed to repeat it this  
year.

Asked about the possibility of establishing a center at Colorado  
Springs, Mr. Poliakoff said, “I have no set road map.” As for other  
plans within the university system, like endowing a chair in  
conservative thought on the Boulder campus, Mr. Poliakoff said there  
was no connection. “There is no vast right-wing conspiracy,” he said  
with a smile.

Elsewhere, proponents have had a bumpier road.

In 2006, at Hamilton College in Clinton, N.Y., opposition from the  
faculty forced the administration to withdraw its support of an alumni- 
financed center focused on capitalism, natural law and the role of  
religion in politics. Many faculty members questioned if Hamilton  
would have sufficient oversight of it. At the time, the chairman of  
the faculty assembly, John O’Neil, was quoted as saying, “There are  
people on the faculty who think this center has an explicit, right  
tendency.”

The alumni donors and professors ended up opening the Alexander  
Hamilton Institute for the Study of Western Civilization as an  
independent entity in 2007.

E. Christian Kopff, a professor who helped found the Center for  
Western Civilization at Boulder in 2005, said the initial reaction on  
campus had “ranged from enthusiastic agreement to critical  
questioning.” But the splits were more likely to be between those in  
engineering or science and those in the humanities, or between  
traditionalists and postmodernists, rather than between left and  
right, he said.

The Veritas Web site states the goal of the fund is not to topple the  
“Left University” and replace it with a “Right University,” but to  
“encourage universities to embrace a broader range of thought.”

Yet whatever unspoken message some advocates might hope to send, what  
transpires in a classroom is never predictable. During a freshman  
orientation seminar run by Harriet Napierkowski at Colorado Springs —  
which Mr. Poliakoff, the Colorado system vice president, was observing  
— she pointed to a section in Plato’s “Apology” where Socrates  
describes himself as a gadfly, whose role is “to sting people and whip  
them into a fury, all in the service of truth.”

Who is a contemporary gadfly, she asked, someone who questions the  
established order even if he is unpopular? The students stared back  
silently.

After a few moments, she asked, “What about Ralph Nader?” the longtime  
consumer advocate and third-party presidential candidate who has  
infuriated both liberals and conservatives.

At the mention of Mr. Nader, a puzzled look swept across Mr.  
Poliakoff’s face, but he did not say a word.

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